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Wednesday, April 11, 2012

The Real Election Begins Now -- And Mitt Must Explain


         The exit of Rick Santorum marks the beginning of the real presidential campaign, Mitt Romney campaign to define himself to the American public.

         The campaign will be largely about economics.  Mitt has to explain, specifically and in detail, what he will do as president to reignite strong growth and job creation – what Americans want for themselves and their families.

         He shouldn’t shy away from explaining his own career as one from which examples can be drawn:  Strong family.  Solid education.  Spiritual values.  Volunteer service to country (Olympics). And, finally, his career restructuring companies in private equity.

         The United States of America (he must explain) isn’t a country where prosperity is guaranteed – it’s a country of incomparable opportunity for those willing to follow the well-defined pathways that are open to all.


END

Tuesday, March 27, 2012

Address at WSU for Samuel M. Levin Economics Prize


Samuel Levin Economics Award Speech  

March 27, 2012
McGregor Center, Wayne State University

“No Reason for Tears: The End of the Newspaper’s Golden Age”


            Thanks so much for honoring me with the invitation to speak today.  It is an especially grand occasion, the 50th anniversary of the awarding of Samuel M. Levin Economics Award.

As you may have guessed, the reason for this invitation had nothing to do with the last name of the man who this award was named after – the same last name as mine – a distinguished scholar who served Wayne State and its predecessor for 43 years, and was the first chairman of the economics department.

What I can tell you is that my late grandfather’s name was Samuel Levin, a man I was fortunate to know.  He, of course, would have been very proud today that his grandson was asked to choose a topic of economic interest and speak about it to you. 

Though my grandfather didn’t have much formal education, he did live long enough to see me finish university and gain the benefits of studying history, science, language and, yes, economics.  A small part of what this education gave me was a richer understanding of the forces that led Sam Levin, my Sam Levin, to seek a new life in South Africa after growing up in Lithuania. 

By the time he died the world had changed remarkably from the one into which he was born.  Like so many others looking for opportunity, he arrived in Capetown, South Africa as a young man by steamship, which dominated global transportation.  To the day he died he preferred the steamship and made numerous ocean crossings. He did live long enough to experience the jet airliner – but for him nothing could compare to the experience of a week or two aboard ship, taking in the salt air, dining with the captain and ship’s officers.

In his early days in South Africa he made his living near the diamond mines, selling dry goods to the workers.  Then he went to work as a butcher, waking before dawn every morning to carve huge carcasses.  Finally he and my late grandmother, a fancy woman from London, opened a dress shop. They managed it together and enjoyed their trips to Paris, London and New York to shop for fashions.

The reason for telling you about Sam Levin, my grandfather, is to point out that while I’m pretty sure he knew nothing about subjects like economics or the evolution of technology, he surely understood that his world in South Africa – with modern advances like the motor car – would have been inconceivable to his parents – just as he no doubt realized that a world lay somewhere in the future for his children and grandchildren, one that would be unrecognizable to him.

I know this from his visits to our family and from the letters we exchanged. I became a newspaper reporter, concentrating on business and economics, after he was gone.

Having seen so much change himself, I’m sure he would have appreciated the signs I noticed as a young man that were portents of change in my chosen profession.  Today those portents have proven largely valid in what has become a revolution in the news business, one that has thoroughly reshaped – and will further transform – the way in which news is delivered and consumed.

In 1977,  after completing a graduate program in journalism at Columbia University in New York, I was fortunate to be hired in St. Petersburg, Florida as a reporter for the St. Petersburg Times, a regional newspaper with a fine reputation, well known for high journalistic standards, as well as for embracing the latest technologies in printing and newsgathering.

Until my employment in St. Petersburg, I had used manual typewriters exclusively in my classes at school and whenever I was lucky enough to snag a free-lance assignment for some publication.

The St. Pete Times was renowned in the late 1970s as a newspaper that favored innovation.  The publisher was especially proud of a costly computerized color separation machine, developed in Europe, that transformed color photography through a special process resulting in remarkably crisp, clear resolution on paper.  Readers loved the big, color pictures, which often appeared on the front page.  The newspaper reaped attractive revenue and profit from color advertisements, which commanded a premium price.

Another innovation was a terminal containing a basic computer and cathode ray tube that reporters could use to write their stories. These were basic “dumb” terminals, possessing very little computational ability, the precursor of what you see in almost every office and place of business. The editing functions of that terminal were rudimentary compared to the programs that come standard on today’s computers from Apple and Microsoft.

As this new terminal began to displace the typewriter,  we reporters no longer had to type stories, then edit by hand with pencil and then paste paper sheets together to be delivered to an editor and finally to the composing room by a copy boy or girl.  We reporters could send our stories electronically to an editor’s terminal. The edited story then was sent to the composing room to be set into type.

Basic, yes.  But it wasn’t difficult, using a bit of imagination, to see where this innovation was headed.  A senior editor at the St. Pete Times commissioned me to write a story about emerging newspaper technology for a professional journal.  In the course of researching this story I learned about an experiment under way at Knight-Ridder – the once great owner of the Detroit Free-Press – called Viewtron.  

Viewtron was also a small terminal, designed for the home and connected to computers by telephone lines. Viewtron allowed those participating in the experiment to gather information from their homes such as weather reports and news stories – and to shop.

Imagine that!  The ability to shop on line without leaving the house, searching for a parking spot, lugging parcels or fumbling for credit cards in wallet or purse.  A fairly radical idea for the late 1970s.

After substantial research, Viewtron was discontinued.  Knight-Ridder pulled the plug on the experiment, but it was on the right track. The newspaper company had a glimpse of how digital technology could be exploited to do amazing things.  And the potential was even more promising for moneymaking applications like shopping rather than for news.

Publishing executives weren’t lying awake at night in those days, worrying how digital technology might destroy the newspaper’s dominant role in communication.  But if someone did see the future – and was worried about it – that person probably worked in the advertising department, not the newsroom.

Understand: the business and economic model of newspapers was quite unlike what many of us writers, reporters and editors imagined it to be.  We presumed that readers bought the paper – avidly – to read our stories, to discover why taxes were raised and who had been arrested; to gain deep political insights from the state capitol – baseball box scores, casserole recipes, a crossword puzzle, movie reviews.  And let’s not forget Charlie Brown and Snoopy.

We were quite proud of our daily report.  We were convinced that our editorial judgments were correct.  Sure, some of our stories were boring and esoteric: But we knew them to be important for readers.  We had the journalism awards to prove it. And in case anyone didn’t understand how important our political endorsements were – we printed a dotted line around them so they could be easily cut from the paper and carried to the voting booth.

Every so often a reader would tell me she just mainly bought the newspaper to find out what groceries were on special at Pantry Pride.  And the mayor of the small Florida town of Palmetto liked to introduce me as the reporter who worked for the “mullet wrapper.” I fielded more than a few telephone calls to the newsroom from readers who complained about the ink that bled from our pages onto their hands.

 The comments didn’t bother me.

Most of my peers regarded journalism as a sacred calling.  We regarded much of what we reported and wrote as vital to the democratic process.  After all, how could anyone understand whether the mayor and city council were discharging their responsibilities if we didn’t bring them the facts?

 Where else would curious citizens find out about the nation’s space program, U.S. foreign policy, advances in medical science?

 We were living in a Golden Age for journalism, an era of profit for the newspapers, influence and glamor for reporters and editors.

The high water mark of this era was August 8, 1974.  That was the day that President Richard Nixon resigned.  Nixon was brought down by the Watergate Scandal that was simultaneously a triumph for the mass media, the Washington Post and, in particular, two newspaper reporters by the names of Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman.  (Sorry: Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein.)

Lacking clairvoyance, we couldn’t see that Watergate was the point from which the influence of American newspapers would go no higher.  As journalists we didn’t fully appreciate the business dynamic that gripped newspapers, namely that a smaller and smaller segment of a growing American public was relying on our daily smorgasbord of news, features and entertainment. 

Newspaper owners weren’t ignorant, nor were they sitting still.  To the extent circulation and advertising were stagnant, newspapers formed chains and bought out independents.  Publishers made hard decisions, closing afternoon newspapers because readers more and more were reading in the morning and watching TV in the evening.  Newspapers raised their advertising rates and pushed revenue higher, forcing smaller advertisers to look for alternatives like direct mail.


Looking back on the post-War period, what we learn is that consolidation and monopolies brought newspapers unprecedented influence and wealth, which owners and publishers used to expand and invest in related communications assets, such as radio and television stations.

And, then, in the 1990s a little thing called the Internet appeared on center stage. The Internet posed the same threat to the economics of physically delivering information on paper that the Wright Brothers posed in their day to railroads and steamship lines.

Yet few alarms were sounded.  Would newspapers get smaller?  Probably.  Would they vanish altogether?  Never!

In the past decade, the wreckage has been substantial.  Here in Detroit, the Detroit Free Press and the Detroit News have been forced to curtail daily home delivery.  The chain that once owned the Detroit Free Press, Knight-Ridder, sold out to McClatchy in 2005 for $6.5 billion. McClatchy’s value subsequently plummeted by 98 percent.  Even the august New York Times was forced to borrow at high rates from billionaire Carlos Slim, which it never would have considered unless it was facing an existential crisis. The New York Times Company recently sold its own chain of regional newspapers and currently has hired a headhunter for find a new CEO.

How could these companies, once so wealthy and powerful, have failed to adapt and to defend themselves against the winds of change?

What we are learning today in our academic study of business organizations – not just newspapers but all organizations – is that when new technologies threaten the status quo, it’s very difficult – and, often, impossible – to comprehend and adjust to what is unfolding in front of us.

 (From an academic standpoint, General Motors clearly understood the industry-changing manufacturing innovations introduced by Toyota in the 1990s. Adapting to those innovations quickly and effectively proved to be quite another matter.)

During my own newspaper career I was regularly able to question publishing executives about the Internet.  Frequently I heard reassuring opinions that “people will never agree to read on screens” or that an “on-line story can never replace the experience of savoring the Sunday New York Times with coffee and a bagel?”

I’m sure there are some, maybe even some in this audience, who once held these opinions.  Though they weren’t entirely unreasonable, they no have been refuted and rendered irrelevant.

The decline of print-on-paper and the demise of some great newspaper properties is unfolding before our eyes.  We have new questions before us:  What will take its place? 

Can the Drudge Report, Huffington Post, Daily Beast or Politico truly serve readers who once relied on the New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Chicago Tribune?

And where do Facebook, Twitter and LinkedIn fit?  Can they assume the role that newspapers played in a civil society, informing us about issues and policymakers?

As a former newspaperman I’m optimistic.  I view all of the digital and social media ventures as being in a very early stage of development, struggling to find their place.

The incumbent news organizations, which have now glimpsed their own mortality, finally are focused and serious about innovation.  The New York Times is a fine example.  Slow to understand the revolution that was unfolding around it, the Times dutifully rolled out a website in the 1990s.  Today the newspaper has a mobile application for Smartphones and is tinkering with a so-called “pay wall,” a device that allows you to sample Times stories to a limited extent before you have to pay.

            The challenge in front of news organizations is immense.  As advertising continues to erode from the print edition, the amount of ad spending for the online edition doesn’t come close to covering what’s lost.  Where can the company find the resources to maintain a news organization that will be able to cover an Iraq war and support a bureau in Beijing while paying a reporter to travel with the New York Giants and keeping abreast of breakthroughs in science?

            No easy answer comes to mind.  The Times may be forced to narrow its focus and stop covering some topics.  Perhaps it can learn from enterprises like Groupon, which are reinventing advertising and marketing in a way that has attracted millions of new Smartphone users.

            Here in Detroit a sizable number of online digital publications have sprung up, some devoted to the arts scene, to politics, to gardening.  Some are broader in scope.

            What’s clear is that mainstream newspaper and media outlets will never occupy the positions of wealth, influence and authority they once did.

One lesson to be learned from the passing of newspapers and the rise of digital is that readers – particularly young readers – demand interactivity.

 The Internet gives access to everyone who wants it:  journalists, CEOs public officials, prison inmates – everyone.

Whereas newspaper editors once decided what you read on the front page and projected opinions from the editorial age – the newest technologies  allow readers to customize what they want to see, according to subject, as well as to comment and participate.

Once upon a time editors published a few letters for each edition.  Today the discussion of current events is lively and as lengthy as you wish it to be.

            Consider the stories from the mass media that friends share with one another on Facebook, Twitter and other platforms.  The very process of choosing and posting stories suggests an implicit “vote” that the story is worth reading, even if only for the purpose of disagreeing with what it says.  Advanced software calculates which comments are most liked by readers and rank them. 


            When I do read mainstream newspapers I now prefer the on-line edition, where each story may be followed by scores, and sometimes hundreds, of comments.  Often the comments are as revealing and interesting as the stories, and sometimes more so.

            What once was one-way communication – projected from the Olympian perch of the newspaper editor –has turned into a multi-directional conversation among readers, journalists, experts and even public officials.

            In short, media oligopoly has been transformed – at least temporarily – into a free-for-all.  The Drudge Report fights the Washington Post for reader attention.  As the Encyclopedia Britannica closes its print edition and the U.S. Postal Service cuts its delivery services, we citizens are relying more and more on iPads, Smartphones and other electronic devices to bring us a wealth of information choice.

            The next time you are on a flight or on a commuter train, pay attention to how many Kindles, iPads, Nooks and other digital appliances are in the hands of travelers, versus conventional books, newspapers and magazines.

            Yet I wonder….

            Though we are watching the latest technologies unfold that will bring us news and information – who will fill the role of journalist?  And will tomorrow’s journalists adequately inform us of the critical issues so that we citizens can make correct judgments?

            The conventional pathway to journalism almost always started at a small newspaper.  Read the professional biographies of the great journalists of the Twentieth Century and they mostly begin with a job at a small-town newspaper covering police, courts and high-school football games.

            The veterans taught the rookies.  Talented and ambitious writers moved up the food chain from small cities to large ones.  The very best often landed in Washington or on the front lines in Normandy, Vietnam or the Congo.

            Today’s world has been turned upside down.  The veterans are being forced to the sidelines because the rookies know how to use digital to interview, discover information and transmit photography, as well as to create blogs and other on-line publications.

            But do the rookies know how to interview?  Can they smell a good story?  Do they know how to “follow the buck” to its source?

            The answer is a qualified “yes” for many of them.

            Even as newspapers have struggled, I have read and continue to read perceptive, skilled journalism amid the half-baked variety.  And I think the instincts to tell the truth fairly, coherently, passionately and objectively are human and can be found in many of us, even those without professional credentials.

            I don’t worry much about the fate of participatory democracy in the U.S. because I know that more people than ever are gaining access to – and will use skillfully – communications technology once restricted to an elite minority.

            I know that many of us are profoundly sad at the fading of newspapers.  And I say: Don’t be. 

Newspapers laid the foundation of a society that surely isn’t perfect but is great in its achievements.   What lies in front of us can only constitute an improvement, in terms of access to reliable information, in terms of immediacy and in terms of the analytic powers that held us make great judgments.

            To those who choose a career in journalism – a great ride awaits you, with more opportunities and fewer barriers than any of my generation could ever dream.


END



           


           













Saturday, March 3, 2012

Obama and Romney Were Both for Letting Detroit Go Bankrupt

           Mitt Romney’s victory over Rick Santorum in the Michigan primary on Tuesday showed that a supposed political liability – his opposition to government bailout of the auto industry – may not have hurt him much.  In fact his position and that of President Barack Obama weren’t far apart, so the issue may go away in a race for the presidency.
           
            President Obama spoke on Tuesday in Washington to a United Auto Workers union conference to highlight his role in the bailout. (He's also visited Michigan a dozen or so times since his election.)  His purpose was to distinguish the president’s stance from Romney’s, claim credit for the relative health of the U.S. auto industry and perhaps to divert votes from the former Massachusetts governor. Romney is the front-runner and could pose formidable opposition to the president’s re-election in November.

            President Obama’s contention that GM and Chrysler surely would have been liquidated without government help, costing millions of jobs and perhaps have gone out of business rests on the assumption that no one but the United States and Canada could muster the $85 billion of financing that was used to restructure the two automakers in mid-2009. That’s why Washington’s automotive task force supervised the expedited bankruptcies and restructuring of the two companies in the early months of his presidency.

            Critics of the president say too much value was awarded to the UAW and Canadian Auto Workers health care trusts in the bankruptcies, and too little to holders of GM bonds.

            Mitt Romney had earlier opposed a pure bailout, wth the U.S. simply providing loans or grants as a means of helping the ailing automakers. Ford, GM and Chrysler executives had jetted to Washington to highlight the industry’s fragile financial condition. In a November 18, 2008 editorial entitled “Let Detroit Go Bankrupt” Romney said bankruptcy was preferable to bailout, prompting political analysts to warn that his position might hurt him with voters in Michigan, the state where he was born and raised.

            Romney also has argued that capital markets well might have provided the financing for a GM bankruptcy if given a chance – an opinion perhaps bolstered by his years as chief executive of Bain Capital, one of the world’s leading private equity company.

            “A managed bankruptcy may be the only path to the fundamental restructuring the industry needs,” the editorial read. “It would permit the companies to shed excess labor, pension and real estate costs. The federal government should provide guarantees for post-bankruptcy financing and assure car buyers that their warranties are not at risk.”

            Romney has said that he would take steps to bail out the U.S. financial system if it was in danger of implosion, but he’s not in favor of bailing out individual institutions that are in danger of failing.

            Chrysler filed for bankruptcy in April, 2009, GM in June, 2009. Both bankruptcies were initiated and supervised by the U.S. Treasury’s automotive task force.  In other words, the Obama administration pursued more or less the exact "managed bankruptcy" laid out by Romney six months earlier. The difference is that $25 billion of U.S. money is now tied up in GM common shares.

            Romney’s editorial also recommended that GM and Chrysler “management, as is, must go.” The Obama administration’s automotive task force evidently agreed: The U.S. Treasury fired GM chief executive officer Rick Wagoner; Chrysler chief executive officer Bob Nardelli resigned under pressure.

            The Michigan primary was a difficult victory for Romney.  He edged Santorum by a margin of 41-38, with the remaining percentages split between Newt Gingrich and Ron Paul.  But the close margin of victory may relate to the nature of GOP primaries, which tend to bring out voters who are attracted to a more conservative message on social issues like those espoused by Santorum.  Romney has deliberately steered clear of social issues, leading some GOP voters to reject him as lacking in conservative credentials.

            With economic statistics improving, Romney faces an uphill fight against President Obama if he gets the nomination.  But if he makes it to Washington, he’ll be firmly on record as opposing government bailouts for failing companies and industries.


END

Tuesday, November 23, 2010

The Kind of Leader You Are

     I've noticed that leaders fall, broadly speaking, into one of two categories: The first is characterized by utter self-confidence -- and extreme selflessness. These are people who understand the group's mission and try to surround themselves with the cohorts best suited to carry it out. They're unthreatened by group members whose abilities surpass their own.  Leaders in the second category are looking for people to lead, to dominate. They're threatened by anyone who compares favorably to them in intelligence or accomplishment. They fail eventually because the mission becomes secondary to their success as leader.

Monday, October 4, 2010

I Break Bread with Steve Rattner to Discuss Hillary, the UAW, Golf and Deflation


By Doron Levin
Steve Rattner, the former New York Times reporter who struck it rich on Wall Street, wouldn't have been anyone's first guess as the individual to become overseer for the latest overhaul of the once-mighty U.S. automobile industry.
Yet politics and finance - and perhaps fate - brought Rattner to center stage in early 2009 when the administration of President Barack Obama sought a leader for the restructuring of then-General Motors Corp. and Chrysler LLC, both of which were teetering on the brink of failure.  Rattner, an early supporter of Hillary Clinton for president rather than Obama, got the nod.
Under his guidance and the auspices of the U.S. Treasury, the 15-member Automotive Task Force guided the two automakers through quick bankruptcies, in the process firing Rick Wagoner as GM's CEO and handing Chrysler to Fiat SpA and its CEO, Sergio Marchionne.

 
Rattner's aptly named book about fixing both domestic automakers, "Overhaul," has been arriving at bookstores to generally positive reviews. He agreed to meet us for a "Power Breakfast" at E.A.T., a Madison Avenue delicatessen on the Upper East Side of Manhattan, around the corner from where he lives. E.A.T. draws its clientele from the celebrity-studded neighborhood, a fact underscored when former Washington Post journalist Carl Bernstein sauntered over to our table to greet Rattner. Elliot Spitzer, the former New York attorney-general disgraced in a sex scandal "eats here a lot," he said.
Rattner ordered scrambled eggs with lox, and I an egg white spinach omelette and toast. When our waiter seemed to have forgotten us, an impatient Rattner got to his feet and asked for service, much as he might have demanded to know why a junior Treasury official hadn't produced the reports he needed.
Rattner apologized for several last-minute changes about our breakfast location, explaining that he originally had been scheduled to appear on Fox TV
following our meeting and decided to cancel the appearance at the last minute, a bit uneasy about what the interviewer was planning to ask.
"I'm not sure that a book like mine will sell a copy on Fox. The Obama administration actually accomplished something'' with the industry's restructuring, he submits, adding, "I'm not sure that's what the Fox audience wants to hear. They want a book that tells them how terrible it was, not how wonderful it was."
Rattner has been wading through interview after interview to promote his book. He has been explaining why the Obama administration was correct in imposing tougher conditions on the automakers than those they imposed on themselves and why the U.S. was fortunate that the controversial Troubled Asset Relief Program funds had already been appropriated by Congress for bailout purposes, allowing the Task Force to avoid having to plead for the money.
On the evening following our breakfast, Rattner was scheduled to appear on The Colbert Report. The show's host, comic Stephen Colbert, is renowned for making his guests look and sound foolish. "My goal is just to get out alive,'' Rattner said, who though he's golf with Obama admitted to being "terrified" facing Colbert.
When the Obama administration selected him to lead the Automotive Task Force, he was surprised, he said - but not because he had been an early supporter of Hillary Clinton's for the presidency. After all, lots of Clinton supporters and Clinton herself work for the president. "I wasn't an auto guy, I wasn't a manufacturing guy, I'm a financial guy,'' he said.
He does think "Hillary could run again, but certainly not against President Obama next time, not a chance in a billion that she would challenge him.'' In 2016, he said, "she will be young enough and certainly has the energy, the drive and the enthusiasm."
But he's not interested in more public service in Washington: "I've been there, done that. I had an unbelievable experience. I was fortunate that (Treasury secretary) Tim Geithner asked me to do a job that was actually doable. We were able to completely restructure these companies - and it's hard to imagine a job in Washington where it would be possible to feel this sense of accomplishment."
In his view "to accomplish anything in Washington you have to deal with Congress, and that's an exceedingly unpleasant job. As you know, Congress is on the verge of becoming completely dysfunctional. I think that's part of why Larry (Summers) is leaving'' as the administration's top economic adviser, he surmised.
On the teetering U.S. economy Rattner said, "there's so much economic illiteracy and confusion about what to do" in the face of weak growth and the possibility of deflation. I can't imagine that anyone would disagree with the notion that we need to maintain an expansionary fiscal and monetary policy, keeping interest rates low and willing to tolerate an unnaturally high rate of deficit for a while.''
The U.S. budget deficit "is a huge problem that has to be addressed, but I don't believe it can be addressed right now. We need a couple more years of stimulative economic policy and then we need to make some unbelievably tough choices about taxes versus spending and how we want to allocate our resources."
Rattner acknowledges that Americans have borrowed too much and must "repair" personal balance sheets. He says the fault lay with artificially inflated housing values, which caused people to think they were worth more than was reasonable, leading to too much spending and too little saving. But halting spending now, he said, could suppress economic growth and employment. As erudite as any graduate of Brown University should be, Rattner mentioned John Maynard Keynes's popularization of "the paradox of thrift," an economic principle that says when everyone saves, aggregate demand falls, thereby reducing aggregate savings: "Be careful what you wish for,'' he said. "We have to steer a middle course."
Rattner's wealth, reputed to be in nine figures, certainly seems to insulate him from financial worries, yet, "I'm sure my house is worth less than it was," he frets. "But I've been a prudent saver all along the way."
In addition to his Upper East Side residence, Rattner owns a farm in North Salem, New York, an hour's drive north of the city, where he rides horses, plays tennis, indulges in a bit of golf and relaxes with his wife and four children. His eldest, a daughter, just completed work on her first political campaign, on behalf of an unsuccessful Congressional aspirant. Twin children are sophomores in college, and the fourth is on a "gap year" program between high school and college in Uganda.
"I'm a terrible golfer," he conceded, but he joined a club so his children could learn to play. He says he's doesn't much enjoy the game, but responded to encouragement from New York city Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who also belongs to his club. Rattner said he met Bloomberg, a former Salomon Brothers investment banker, about 15 years ago at a dinner in New York. The two men, who remain close, discovered they had many mutual interests, including Rattner's investment banking expertise and interest in media properties. They both ski in Vail, Colorado and see one another there.
"I told Bloomberg I was terrible (at golf), but he said come along anyway," Rattner said. "He's always saying life is not a zero-sum game, you don't have to beat someone else in order to win. He basically plays against himself." There is more than friendship involved: Rattner has served as an investment adviser to the multi-billionaire founder of the Bloomberg LP media empire.
To stay in shape, the 58-year-old Rattner says he works out six days a week, including cardio, weight training and exercises under the direction of a trainer.  He also is a pilot, he said, so I asked what kind of plane he flies.
"Not going there," he said, with a smile, perhaps recalling the roasting that members of Congress gave CEOs of the Big Three automakers - and the resulting public relations debacle - after they flew company jets to Washington in November, 2008 in search of financial aid.  How about a hint as to whether he flies a prop or jet aircraft? "Not going there," he repeated.
Would Rattner rather be watching the Ryder Cup golf matches or the Yankees on television over the weekend? "This is something else that the Mayor and I have in common," he said. "I just have no interest in spectator sports and sports on television. Maybe if there's some really important game the kids want to watch. Or maybe some golf to see if I can learn. But that's it."
Rattner declined to comment, as he has to all interviewers citing his lawyers' orders, on his role in the investigation of New York's pay-to-play pension-investment scandal, in which public officials were accused of benefiting from kickbacks from firms soliciting their business. The Quadrangle Group, the private-equity firm he helped found, was accused of impropriety and settled the charges last April, while publicly disavowing Rattner with a statement implying he was a responsible party.
"It's extremely painful to find out that your former partners don't put any value on loyalty," he said. "These are people I worked with, one for 20 years, one for 16 years, one for 12 years."
With so much financial upheaval, it's not too strange that prosecutors and the public have been looking for culpability. Rattner acknowledges the "poor business judgment" shown by Wall Street firms, helping to create the nation's credit crisis and economic meltdown, "but what I'm worried about is the Wall Street doesn't get that, and the reason for all the vilification and why people are so angry at them," he said. "They jeopardized the health of their firms; in many cases they were selling products that they didn't believe in themselves.
"The flip side is that the financial industry is one of the world's great growth industries," he said. As government reforms regulations to make banks operate more prudently and efficiently "we shouldn't throw out the baby with the bath water."
More intervention from Washington probably won't be needed in Detroit, he opined, surely insofar as Ford Motor Co. is concerned.
Rattner praised Ford's management for fixing the automaker without government help, especially in light of its continuing weak balance sheet, compared to GM and Chrysler.  "Car sales are cyclical, they're only going to go up from here," he said. "Ford is going to make a ton of money over the next couple of years."
But as the auto industry earns more, the United Auto Workers union leadership has promised to "take back" what it sacrificed in the course of the shared financial sacrifice among all parties leading up to the bankruptcies of GM, Chrysler and many suppliers. Skirmishes between the UAW and the automakers are perpetually in the news, like the one last week at GM's Lordstown assembly plant. Union members were vexed that GM was sending Chevy Cruze's to non-union repair shops.
"I worry about" union-management conflict, Rattner said. "They (the UAW) want to get back what they gave up, and that's not going to happen. We can't go back to 29 job classifications, the whole week off for the July 4 holiday, overtime pay when you work a short day and then a long day. These are changes that aren't pleasant, I know, but there's no going back."
For the time being, a weakened U.S. auto industry awaits a sales rebound and return a to profit that could put the UAW again on a collision course with auto-industry management.
As a private citizen, Rattner won't have to worry about the repercussions, nor his legacy for leading the financial rescue of a shattered industry.
If Rattner changes his mind about more public service, who knows? An enduringly healthy Detroit might prove to be Rattner's best argument in 2016 - or before - for an even bigger job in Washington.

 
About the Author
Doron Levin is a contributing writer to Edmunds' AutoObserver.com, writing commentaries, profiles and interviews, including AutoObserver's Power Breakfast with Power Brokers feature. Levin has been reporting on business and financial subjects from Detroit, specializing in the global auto industry since 1984. He has been a correspondent for the Wall Street Journal, bureau chief of The New York Times, and a columnist for the Detroit Free Press and Bloomberg. He is the author of two books, "Irreconcilable Differences: Ross Perot vs. General Motors" and "Behind the Wheel at Chrysler: The Iacocca Legacy"

Sunday, October 3, 2010

Audi A8 – VW Technology Inches The Car Closer to Autonomy


    Cars weren't meant to drive themselves, or were they? I was appalled when a famous Beverly Hills plastic surgeon drove his Jeep off a cliff two months ago while tweeting about his collie. As drunk driving accidents decline, tragic stories involving driver distraction are piling up.
Laws to prevent drivers from texting or speaking on cellphones are likely to be futile. Rather, with the rise of wireless gadgetry including satellite radio and vehicle-based Internet, safety considerations dictate that cars will take over more and more tasks from the driver. Eventually engineering may be able, at a minimum, to prevent collisions entirely or minimize their danger. Audi's new A8 shows how seamless and clever some of this high-tech know-how may look.
On a 500-mile drive to northern Michigan and back, I used and paid special attention to the A8's "lane assist" feature. When enabled, a radar sensor determines that the car is drifting out of its lane and ever so slightly sends a vibration to the steering wheel, encouraging the driver to return to the lane. Adaptive cruise control allows the driver to set the car's speed and determine a distance to keep from any cars ahead. If the car closes too quickly, the brakes take over and slow it down. A blind spot indicator warns of a car passing on the left or right. These three features made it much easier for me to change the channel on the radio, take a telephone call or sip coffee without danger. I like doing those things while I drive, and I'm not giving them up.
Of course the A8 is a $90,000 car, in part reflecting the research and development costs for advanced safety devices. But just as stability control was once an advanced safety device and became standard, so will lane change and other technologies enter the automotive mainstream.

Friday, October 1, 2010

“So (rest of sentence here).” The latest annoying verbal tic.

    New York Times columnist David Brooks inspired me today by noticing that Meg Whitman, the California gubernatorial candidate, begins many of her sentences with the word "So."

    I've got to say: So do a lot of people these days. Generally speaking "so" is supposed to be a conjunction and shouldn't begin a sentence, since it's meant to join two clauses. The word may be used as a summing up device at the beginning of a sentence. These days it's become a tic, an unnecessary and hollow preliminary little better than "uhhh" or "ummm." "So, I went to the store today to buy some cabbage." "So, you've sent me the wrong parcel." Ugh.

    How did the "so" habit get started? I don't know, but let's stop.